The (Slow) Rise of Iran’s Women

Gender discrimination is still an issue, especially in high office, but progress is being made.

By: Faezeh Samanian

Nearly 35 years after the Islamic Revolution, gender discrimination is still a challenging issue for Iran. On the one hand, the situation for Iranian women has improved considerably in many respects under the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). On the other, there is a clear and seemingly impregnable ceiling for women in administrative and government positions.

Iranian Women Under the Islamic Republic

In some ways, women have enjoyed significant gains under the Islamic Republic of Iran. Nowhere is this more true than in education. In 1976, on the eve of the Revolution, the female literacy rate was a mere 35 percent. Despite the turmoil of the revolution and the imposed war with Iraq, by 1986 this rate had risen to 52 percent. Today, Iranian girls between the ages of 15 and 24 enjoy near universal literacy.

These gains are also reflected in education levels, which have greatly improved as part of the IRI’s commitment to providing universal education. For example, the female enrollment rate for primary education institutions is actually higher than it is for males. Women also graduate from their primary education programs at the same rate as their male counterparts. And despite new restrictions on what they can study, Iranian women are also strong participants in secondary education, with the female general enrollment rate in secondary education about 86 percent of the male rate.
In many ways, the high female education rate also extends to employment, especially since 1992 when the High Council of the Cultural Revolution adopted a new set of employment policies for women. Although women are unemployed at a rate of roughly twice that of men, one-third of doctors, 60 percent of civil servants, and 80 percent of teachers in Iran are women, according to the British historian Michael Axworthy.
One area where Iranian women continue to face clear obstacles is in the upper reaches of the Iranian government. For example, around 30 women signed up to run for president earlier this year, but the Guardian Council – Iran’s constitutional watchdog – rejected their candidacies based solely on gender. As Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdii, a conservative cleric and member of the Guardian Council explained at the time, the “law does not approve” of women running for president.

Women vs Clergy
Indeed, the clergy have long been the fiercest opponents of women holding senior political positions, opposition that dates at least as far back as to the Western-backed Shah’s regime. In fact, before the Revolution, two women served as cabinet ministers under the Amir-Abbas Hoveida premiership. Even during that time, however, religious leaders used their power to prevent these female ministers from playing crucial roles in governing the country.
This competition between women seeking a senior role in public life and conservative clergy opposition has continued during the Islamic Republic. It’s been a long struggle, but Iranian women have continued to chip away at many of the restrictions.
Although women served in parliament during the 1980s and early 1990s, the taboo against a woman serving as an administrative official and in a top management position was finally broken during the reform presidency of Seyed Mohammad Khatami.

The reform period under Khatami in fact greatly enhanced the role of women in public life. To begin with, he appointed Masoumeh Ebtekar as vice president in charge of environmental protection, the first time a woman had served as a vice president. Despite his reputation as a hardliner, former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad built on Khatami’s record. For example, he initially tapped Marzieh Vahid-Dastjerdi, a former parliamentarian who was close to Ahmadinejad, to be his Minister of Health and Medical Education. This made her the first woman to serve as a minister under the Islamic Republic. Ahmadinejad went on to appoint five women as vice presidents during his time in power.
Still, progress has been uneven. For instance, in December of last year Ahmadinejad fired Vahid-Dastjerdi as the Minister of Health and Medical Education. More recently, Nina Siahkali Moradi was elected to a seat on the city council in Qazvin, only to be prevented from taking her position by religious conservatives who disqualified her…for being too attractive. As Moradi’s case demonstrates, progress aside, Iran still has a long way to go when it comes to women’s rights in public life.

Prospects for the Rouhani Era
Some hope that the election of Hassan Rouhani as president of the eleventh government will help further the rights of women in Iranian public life. To date, there have been mixed signs.
On the one hand, Rouhani has chosen not to appoint any women to his Council of Ministers. In a speech last month he explained away this decision by remarking that he had not used women in any ministerial positions due to the country’s “special conditions.” He later stated that he did not believe that appointing a single woman as government minister would result in gender equality.
On the other hand, the release of his all-male cabinet sparked sharp criticism and last month he appeared to respond to this pressure by making Elham Aminzadeh vice president for legal affairs. In addition, he advised his male ministers to employ women in their respective departments.
Perhaps more promising, in his election manifesto Rouhani promised to establish a Ministry for Women. Some women's rights activists, such as Fatemeh Rakei, a reformist MP, have come out in support of the proposal, stating that it would help women’s rights issues receive more funds from the government.
By contrast, Shahla lahiji, a writer, publisher, translator and director of Roshangaran – a prominent publishing house on women's issues – believes Rouhani should be bolder, stating: “Iran is not Afghanistan nor Pakistan, the wishes of Iranian woman have been glossed over by having only one woman in the Ministry and that’s all.  If we take into account the 50% of female university graduates, 40% of the official seats should be filled by women in the near future whether the government wants it or not.”
There have been other encouraging signs. For example, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif seems to have taken Rouhani’s advice to appoint women to heart, naming Marzieh Afkham, former head of the Foreign Ministry’s Public Relations Department, the first ever Foreign Ministry spokeswoman.  Afkham, 48, is a career diplomat and has been praised by her predecessor, Abbas Araqhchi, who called her "seasoned and experienced." Meanwhile, Farideh Farhi, a prominent Iran expert at the University of Hawaii, called Zarif’s appointment of Afkham an “extremely bold move.”
Zarif appears to have more such moves in store. According to reports, he also plans to appoint Mansoureh Sharifi Sadr, currently the Foreign Ministry's Director of the Women and Human Rights Department, as the Islamic Republic’s first ever female ambassador. Already, Sadr has served as Iran’s deputy ambassador to Japan. Moreover, according to Abbas Araghchi, the former Foreign Ministry’s Spokesman, Zarif is also considering another woman as Iran’s representative to the UN in Geneva, although Araghchi refused to identify who the candidate was, instead saying that her name would be announced later.

Women Representing Iran
Following these decisions, it is apparent that Rouhani and his cabinet are sending a strong message to the rest of the world by appointing women to government positions. Although no women are serving in ministerial positions, they will are being appointed as Iran’s diplomats. Therefore, they will become the face Iran shows to the rest of the world.
This should improve Iran’s image abroad. For years, Iran has been considered by many to be an egregious human rights violator, especially when it comes to women and children’s rights. By appointing women to diplomatic roles, Rouhani and his cabinet are increasing the respect foreign nations have for Iran even as the president fulfills an electoral promise to place women in his government.
In his inaugural address, Rouhani asked the world to “talk to Iran in reverence not in treatment.” Female diplomats will undoubtedly help him form relationships with the world based on mutual respect and peace.

This Article is Published in TheDiplomat Magazine originally.

Rouhani to the Rescue in Iran?

The election of Hassan Rouhani has renewed optimism about the future trajectory of the country among many Iranians. Although the new president will face many challenges, none are more important than fixing the economy in the eyes of many Iranians. But with the country currently facing an economic crisis, is it worth asking whether the new president holds the correct key to unlock all of Iran’s problems?

By: Faezeh Samanian

The State of the Iranian Economy
The Iranian economy is currently suffering. This statement runs contrary to the assessment of the outgoing Ahmadinejad regime. For example, in his last televised interview as president, Ahmadinejad gave a rousing defense of his administration’s handling of the economy. While he sputtered off a list of statistics to back his argument, many if not most of these have been since been disproven.
In reality, Iran’s major economic indicators are poor. Since the U.S. and the European Union began imposing sanctions targeting Iran’s oil and financial industries, Iran’s oil exports have more than halved from 2011 levels. The International Energy Administration estimates that the drop in oil sales cost Iran $40 billion in 2012 alone. Nor does relief appear to be on the horizon. In fact, Reuters reports that Iran’s top oil customers— China, India, Japan and South Korea— cut imports by 22 percent in the first half of 2013, and are likely to initiate further cuts in the second half of the year.
The loss in oil sales has had a profound impact on the Iranian economy. To begin with, this and economic mismanagement has trigged rapid inflation. Most notably, In October of last year Iran’s currency, the rial, was reported to have lost 80 percent of its value since the end of 2011.
The decline in oil exports has also triggered budget shortages in Iran. This is because as much as 65 percent of the government’s budget is based on oil exports.
Rouhani to the Rescue?
Iran’s economic turmoil briefly stabilized after Rouhani’s electoral victory in June. Indeed, Iran’s rial began to appreciate versus the U.S. dollar, and the price index, which has been extremely volatile in recent months, began to calm down. Still, this brief reprieve cannot mask more persistent problems in the Iranian economy. As late as last month, the Central Bank of Iran said that the country’s yearly inflation rate was approaching 40 percent.
Unlike its predecessor, the Rouhani administration appears to understand the gravity of the problem. Since winning Iran’s presidential election earlier this summer, President Hassan Rouhani and his team have gradually realized that the economic situation they are inheriting is more dire than expected.
Even before taking office back in July, Akbar Torkan, deputy director of Rouhani’s presidential campaign and one of the closest members of his inner circle, told Iranian media outlets that the economic situation of Iran is worse than previously imagined. Hadi Kahalzadeh, an Iranian economist, agrees, arguing that Iran’s economy is facing a crisis of authority as the government’s credibility has eroded under the previous administration, which has curtailed the power of the state.
In light of this, the market has been waiting anxiously for clues as to what economic strategies the new administration will pursue.  According to Torkan, the most important priority of the new government should be to supply the population with “basic commodities,” which he posits can only be done by improving Iran’s foreign relations and thereby getting international sanctions reduced.
 In addition, Torkan slammed the outgoing Ahmadinejad administration’s budget as “unrealistic.”
“Neither the earnings [revenue] nor the conditions [expenditures] attached to it” correspond to present realities Torkan said in a recent interview. He also accused Ahmadinejad’s government of providing illegal cash-subsides, and said that if the Rouhani government wants to continue Ahmadinejad’s “targeted subsidy program” then it should increase the price of energy again.
Mohammad Bagher Nobakht, an economist at the think tank Rouhani headed for two decades and now the president’s liaison with the Majles, has made very similar statements, slamming the targeted subsidy plan the Ahmadinejad administration spearheaded and calling for improved economic and political relations with the outside world. He believes that such approaches will facilitate the market, create free trade atmosphere and attract direct foreign investment.
Sanctions as a slap in the face to economic authorities
Thus, it seems that the current administration believes that international sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program and the inefficiency of the Ahmadinejad administration’s privatization plan are the two factors behind the economic crisis.
The first step of the next government must therefore be focused on improving international relations and settling problems associated with Iran’s nuclear program. It seems that the new President, by appointing a cabinet of technocrats known more for their experience than their political views, is attempting to satisfy most factions in the Iranian elite, including the reformists, pragmatists, traditional conservatives and the principlists (neo-conservatives).
Rouhani is also trying to signal to international parties. According to Reuters, Rouhani’s appointment of Mohammad Javad Zarif as the Minister of Foreign Affairs is a “strong signal” which shows “Rouhani wants to open up [international] channels which were closed under his hardline predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.” Reuters goes on to note that Rouhani is "a former ambassador to the United Nations, and has been involved in secret backroom talks with the United States going back three decades.” There has also been widespread speculation that Rouhani will have the Foreign Ministry take over the nuclear negotiations with the P5+1 (the United States, China, Russia, Britain, France and Germany) grouping, something he advocated in his memoirs. Such a move could see Zarif serve as Iran’s lead negotiator with the international community on the nuclear issue.
Optimistic future?
Is this enough to achieve a breakthrough with the P5+1 that would see a reduction in sanctions against Iran? So far, there have been promising signs.
Last month, European Union Foreign Policy Chief Catherine Ashton—who leads the P5+1 in its negotiations with Iran— convened a meeting with officials from all six nations in Brussels to discuss how to achieve progress in talks on the nuclear issue with the new government of Iran. “We are keen to make concrete progress in the talks following the election of the new president” said Michael Mann, a spokesperson in Ashton's office.
Notably, in a background briefing ahead of the P5+1 meeting last month, a senior U.S. official told reporters that Washington was seeking “direct nuclear talks” with Iran on the nuclear issue.
“We are open to direct talks, and we want to reinforce this in any way [we can],” the official said, according to the Wall Street Journal.
Still, the official cautioned, “But what we are looking for are actions [from Iran] that indicate a desire to deal seriously with the P5+1. Words are not enough. We need a concrete response.”
Notably, the official suggested the U.S. was willing to be flexible in the exact form of a deal and added, “We do believe that Iran has the right to a peaceful nuclear energy program under the NPT once it meets its responsibilities. And all sanctions will be lifted if and when it has met its responsibilities.”
Thus, is a new and brighter future waiting for Iran? Time will tell.


This Article is published in Thediplomat Magazine Originally.